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ONE:The French Revolution of 1830 exerted an influence so mighty upon public opinion and political events in England, that it becomes necessary to trace briefly its rise, progress, and rapid consummation. When Louis XVIII. was restored to the throne by the arms of the Allies, it was found that he had learnt little wisdom in his exile. He was, however, a man of moderation, and affected to pursue a middle course. His successor, Charles X., who ascended the throne in 1824, was violent and bigoted, a zealous Catholic, hating the Revolution and all its results, and making no secret of his feelings. From the moment he commenced his reign he pursued a course of unscrupulous reaction. At the general election the prefects so managed as to procure an overwhelming Ministerial majority, who immediately resolved to extend the duration of the Chamber of Deputies to seven years. They next passed a law to indemnify Emigrants, for which they voted an annual sum representing a capital of thirty millions sterling. In 1827 the Prime Minister, Villele, adopted the daring measure of disbanding the National Guard, because it had expressed its satisfaction at the defeat of a measure for the restriction of the liberty of the press. He next took the still more dangerous step of dissolving the Chamber of Deputies. This produced a combination of parties, which resulted in the defeat of the Ministerial candidates in every direction. The consequence was the resignation of Villele, on the 5th of January, 1828. He was succeeded by Martignac, whose Government abolished the discretionary power of re-establishing the censorship of the press, and adopted measures for securing the purity of the electoral lists against the frauds of the local authorities. They also issued an ordonnance on education, guarding society against the encroachments of the Jesuits, and the apprehension of clerical domination. The king, taking alarm at these Liberal tendencies, dismissed Martignac and his colleagues, and in August, 1829, he appointed a Ministry exclusively and devotedly Royalist, at the head of which he placed Prince de Polignac, a bigoted Catholic, who, during the Empire, had engaged in many wild schemes for the restoration of the Bourbons. This conduct on the part of the king was regarded by the people almost universally as indicating a design to suppress their constitutional liberties, which they resolved to counteract by having recourse to the constitutional remedy against arbitrary power��namely, refusal to pay the taxes. With this object an association was formed in Brittany, which established a fund to indemnify those who might suffer in resisting the levy of imposts. The press was most unanimous in condemning the new Ministry, and by spirited and impassioned appeals to the patriotism of the people and their love of freedom, roused them to a sense of their coming danger. Prince de Polignac was charged with the design of destroying the Charter; of creating a majority in the Chamber of Deputies by an unconstitutional addition of aristocratic members; of calling in foreign armies to overawe the French people; and of raising military forces by royal ordonnances. The Moniteur contained an authorised contradiction of all these imputations and rumours. Charles was assured, however, by the Royalists that surrounded him, that there always would be a majority against him in the Chamber, no matter who the Ministers might be, and that it was impossible to carry on the Government under the existing system. He was too ready to listen to such counsels, fondly attached as he was to the priesthood, the privileged orders, tithes, feudal services, and provincial administrations.The Pitt Ministry figured with less success as regarded the encroachments of Russia on the Turkish empire. The undisguised policy of Catherine was to press on her operations against Turkey till she had planted herself in Constantinople. Pitt continued as inactive as if there were no danger at all, and the same policy actuated Holland and Prussia. The least support given by these Powers to Gustavus of Sweden would have effectually checked the Russian designs in the East, and have raised Sweden into a position capable of acting as a dead weight on Russian aggression. By very little aid Gustavus would have been able to recover all the territories on the eastern side of the Baltic which had been wrested from Sweden by Russia, and would thus have kept a formidable power always, as it were, at the very gates of St. Petersburg. But Gustavus was left, with his brave heart but limited forces, to contend with Russia alone. He kept down his disaffected nobles by cultivating the interests of the people at large, and maintained a determined struggle with Russia. He sent over the Prince of Anhalt with a small army of about three thousand men at so early a season that the ground was covered with ice and snow. The prince pushed on boldly towards St. Petersburg, and made himself master of the strong forts and defences at Karnomkoski, on the Lake Saima, within two days' march of that capital. In April they were encountered by ten thousand Russians under the command of General Ingelstrom, whom they defeated after a desperate battle, leaving two thousand Russians dead on the field. But the Prince of Anhalt was killed, and the Swedes were not able, with a handful of men, to advance on St. Petersburg, which was in fearful panic. Gustavus was more successful at sea. He and his brother, the Duke of Sudermania, fought the Russians with a very inferior force of ships off Revel, and afterwards off Svenskasund. A considerable number of English officers were serving in the Swedish fleet, amongst them one destined to rise to high distinction, Sidney, afterwards Sir Sidney, Smith. After two days' sanguinary fight at the latter place, Gustavus beat the Russian Admiral Chitschakoff so completely that he took four thousand prisoners, destroyed several of the largest Russian ships, and took or sank forty-five galleys. Catherine was now glad to make peace, which was concluded at Warela, near the river Kymen, but with very different results to what would have been obtained had Gustavus found that support which it was the obvious interest of the whole civilised world to afford him. He agreed that each Power should retain what it possessed before the war, thus conferring on Russia the provinces torn from Sweden. Gustavus complained bitterly of his treatment, and with ample cause.

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TWO:But it was not till the days of Telford and Macadam that the system of road-making received its chief improvements. The reform in roads commenced in Scotland. Those which had been cut through the Highlands after the Rebellions of 1715 and 1745, chiefly under the management of General Wade, set the example, and showed the advantage of promoting communication, as well as of enabling the military to scour the mountains. In 1790 Lord Dare introduced the practice of laying out roads by the spirit-level, and they were conducted round hills instead of being carried over them. In 1802 a Board of Commissioners for Roads and Bridges in Scotland was established, and Thomas Telford was appointed the engineer. This able man had now a full opportunity for showing his knowledge of road-making. He laid out the new routes on easy inclines, shortened and improved the old routes by new and better cuttings, and threw bridges of an excellent construction over the streams. Where the bottom was soft or boggy he made it firm by a substratum of solid stones, and levelled the surface with stones broken small. Attention was paid to side-drains for carrying away the water, and little was left for the after-plans of Macadam. Yet Macadam has monopolised the fame of road-making, and little has been heard of Telford's improvements, although he was occasionally called in where Macadam could not succeed, because the latter refused to make the same solid bottom. This was the case in the Archway Road at Highgate. Macadam's main principle of road-making was in breaking his material small, and his second principle might be called the care which he exercised in seeing his work well done. For these services he received two grants from Parliament, amounting to ten thousand pounds, and the offer of knighthood, the latter of which he would not accept for himself, but accepted it for his eldest son.

当社は昭和13年の設立以来、つねに時代のニーズに即した製品をめざし、新技術?新製品の開発を重ねてきました。中でもアルコール蒸留技術は、国内業界のパイオニアとして目覚ましい成長発展を遂げ、80年にわたる実績を築きあげました。そして今、その歴史によって培われた経験と技術力は化学?食品?薬品?産業機械など、幅広い分野で生かされています。今後はさらに新時代に向けた技術革新を積極的に進めると同時に、新分野の開拓にも意欲的に取組み、一層の発展を図っていきます。

社名	日本化学機械製造株式会社（英文名称 Japan Chemical Engineering & Machinery Co., Ltd.）
代表者	取締役会長　高橋正一取締役社長　髙橋一雅
所在地	〈本社?工場〉〒532-0031　大阪市淀川区加島4丁目6番23号営業部 TEL.06-6308-3885FAX.06-6306-2627 技術部?設計部?工事部 TEL.06-6308-3891FAX.06-6306-0136 総務部 TEL.06-6308-3881 (代表)FAX.06-6306-2384 調達部 TEL.06-6308-3910FAX.06-6306-2384 海外事業部 TEL.06-6308-3887FAX.06-6306-2384 低温機器事業部 TEL.06-6308-3889FAX.06-6308-3890 製造部 TEL.06-6308-3894FAX.06-6308-3767 品質保証室 TEL.06-6308-3880FAX.06-6308-3896 開発技術室 TEL.06-6308-3895FAX.06-6838-3092 〈東京支店〉〒104-0031　東京都中央区京橋1丁目6番12号(京橋イーサスビル5階) TEL.03-3567-8101FAX.03-3567-8104 〈滋賀工場〉〒520-3213　滋賀県湖南市大池町7番地1 TEL.0748-75-2131FAX.0748-75-2134 〈南山田工場〉〒520-3252　滋賀県湖南市岩根字南山田1662番5 TEL.0748-72-3007FAX.0748-72-3008
設立	昭和13年10月31日
資本金	2億7千5百万円
事業内容	化学機械?化学装置、燃焼装置、超低温液化ガス機器の設計、製作、販売
当社の特色	■ 小回りのきく化学工場のプラント?エンジニアリングメーカー化学装置の設計?機器の調達?製作?建設工事、試運転迄一貫して責任施工 ■ 各種耐食材料の加工ステンレス?銅?チタニウム?ニッケル?モネル?ハステロイなど ■ 高圧機器の製作汽罐ならびに特殊汽罐認可工場（圧力10MPa迄）ボイラーならびに第一種圧力容器認可工場（圧力10MPa迄）高圧ガス保安法（特定設備検査規則）に基づく各種圧力容器 ■ 高真空?超低温機器の製作 1.3×10-3Pa、－268℃機器 ■ 製缶加工?検査設備完備製缶加工に必要な諸機械?自動溶接機をはじめ検査諸設備を完備しており、全作業を一貫して能率的に加工可能
従業員数	160人（2019年4月現在）
年間売上高	6,119百万円（2019年4月決算）
取引銀行	りそな銀行堂島支店　三井住友銀行十三支店　池田泉州銀行庄内支店　関西みらい銀行十三支店　滋賀銀行新大阪支店　三菱UFJ銀行梅田中央支店
許可登録	特定建設業許可　国土交通大臣許可（特27）第5208号一級建築士事務所　大阪府知事登録(ロ)第24084号その他の認可?承認?認定の詳細はこちら
取得マネジメントシステム	〈品質マネジメントシステム〉認証規格 ISO 9001：2015　/　JIS　Q9001:2015 登録番号 99QR?154 〈環境マネジメントシステム〉認証規格エコアクション21：2017 登録番号 0002822

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